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No. 02-3010, United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit
BRIEF AMICI CURIAE OF THIRTY-THREE MEDIA SCHOLARS* in INTERACTIVE DIGITAL SOFTWARE ASS'N, et al. v. ST. LOUIS COUNTY, et al.
On Appeal From a Judgment of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Missouri, Eastern Division
September 24, 2002
Sarah Banet-Weiser, Assistant Professor, Annenberg School for Communication,
University of Southern California
Richard Maltby, Head, School of umanities, Flinders University, Australia
American Amusement Machine Ass'n v. Kendrick, 244 F.3d 572 (7th Cir. 2001)
Eclipse Enterprises v. Gulotta, 134 F.3d 63 (2nd Cir. 1997)
Anderson, Craig, & Karen Dill, "Video Games and Aggressive Thoughts,
Arnett, Jeffrey, "The Soundtrack of Restlessness - Musical Preferences
Arnett, Jeffrey, "Adolescents and Heavy Metal Music: From the Mouths
Bandura, Albert, et al., "Imitation of Film-Mediated Aggressive
Bandura, Albert, "What TV Violence Can Do to Your Child," Look, Oct. 22, 1963
Berkowitz, Leonard, et al., "Film Violence and Subsequent Aggressive Tendencies," 27 Public Opin. Q. 217 (1973)
Bensley, Lillian & Juliet Van Eenwyk, "Video Games and Real-Life
Bettelheim, Bruno, The Uses of Enchantment (1975)
Black, Gregory, Hollywood Censored (1994)
Blanchard, Margaret, "The American Urge to Censor," 22 Wm. & Mary L.Rev. 741 (1992)
Bloom, Richard, "On Media Violence: Whose Facts? Whose Misinformation?"
Blum, David, "Embracing Fear as Fun To Practice for Reality: Why
People Like to
Buckingham, David, "Electronic Child Abuse? Rethinking the Media's
Cantor, Joanne, "Children's Attraction to Violent Television Programming,"
Centerwall, Brandon, "Television and Violence: The Scale of the Problem and Where to Go From Here," 267(22) J.A.M.A. 3059 (1992)
Cook, Thomas, et al., "The Implicit Assumptions of Television Research:
Cumberbatch, Guy, "Video Violence: Villain or Victim?" (Video
Douglas, John, & Mark Olshaker, The Anatomy of Motive (1999)
Durkin, Kevin, Computer Games - Their Effects on Young People
Durkin, Kevin, Computer Games and Australians Today (Australia
Elias, Norbert, & Eric Dunning, Quest for Excitement: Sport and
Emes, Craig, "Is Mr. Pac Man Eating Our Children? A Review of the
Eron, Leonard, et al., "Does Television Violence Cause Aggression?" 27 Amer. Psychologist 253 (1972)
Federal Bureau of Investigation, Uniform Crime Report (2000)
Federal Trade Commission, Marketing Violent Entertainment to Children,
Ferguson, Christopher J., "Media Violence, Media Causality," 57(6-7) Amer. Psychologist 446 (2002)
Fischoff, Stuart, "Psychology's Quixotic Quest for the Media-Violence
Connection," 4(4) J. Media Psychology (1999), http://www.calstatela.edu/faculty/sfischo/violence.html
Fowles, Jib, The Case for Television Violence (1999)
Freedman, Jonathan, Media Violence and Its Effect on Aggression: Assessing
Freedman, Jonathan, "Effect of Television Violence on Aggression," 96(2) Psych. Bull. 227 (1984)
Freedman, Jonathan, "Viewing Television Violence Does Not Make People
Friedrich, Lynette, & Aletha Stein, "Aggressive and Prosocial Television Programs and the Natural Behavior of Preschool Children," 38(4) Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development (1973)
Fromm, Erich, The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness (1973)
Gadow, Kenneth, & Joyce Sprafkin, "Field Experiments of Television
Goldberg, Vicki, "Death Takes a Holiday, Sort Of," in Why
Goldstein, Jeffrey, "Why We Watch," in Why We Watch: The Attractions of Violent Entertainment (J. Goldstein, ed.) (1998)
Goldstein, Jeffrey, "Does Playing Video Games Cause Aggressive Behavior?"
Gould, Stephen Jay, The Mismeasure of Man (1981)
"Guns, Lies, and Videotape," 354(9178) The Lancet 525 (1999)
Griffiths, Mark, "Violent Video Games and Aggression: A Review of
Gunter, Barrie, The Effects of Video Games on Children: The Myth Unmasked
Herz, J.C., Joystick Nation (1997)
Huesmann, L. Rowell, et al., "The Stability of Aggression Over Time and Generations," 20 Devel. Psych. 1120 (1984)
Jenkins, Henry, "Professor Jenkins Goes to Washington," Harper's, July 1999
Jenkins, Henry , "Lessons From Littleton: What Congress Doesn't
Want to Hear
Jones, Gerard, Killing Monsters: Why Children Need Fantasy, Super
Kellerman, Jonathan, Savage Spawn - Reflections on Violent Children (1999)
Kurdek, Lawrence, "Gender Differences in the Psychological Symptomatology
Lorenz, Konrad, On Aggression (1963)
Males, Mike A., Framing Youth: Ten Myths About the Next Generation (1999)
May, Rollo, Power and Innocence - A Search for the Sources of Violence (1972)
McCauley, Clark, "When Screen Violence is Not Attractive,"
in Why We Watch:
McGuire, William, "The Myth of Massive Media Impact: Savagings and Salvagings," in Public Communication and Behavior (G. Comstock, ed.) (1986)
Messner, Steven, "Television Violence and Violent Crime: An Aggregate
Moore, David, Statistics - Concepts and Controversies (4th ed.) (1997)
National Research Council, National Academy of Sciences, Understanding
National Institute of Mental Health, Television and Behavior - Ten Years of Scientific Progress and Implications for the Eighties (1982)
Niehoff, Debra, The Biology of Violence (1999)
Pearce, Celia, "Beyond Shoot Your Friends: A Call to Arms in the
Quart, Alissa , "Child's Play," Lingua Franca, Oct. 2001
Rhodes, Richard, "The Media- Violence Myth," Rolling Stone, Nov. 23, 2000
Rowland, Willard, Jr., The Politics of TV Violence (1983)
Rowland, Willard, Jr., "Television Violence Redux: The Continuing Mythology of Effects," in Ill Effects: The Media Violence Debate (M. Baker & J. Petley, eds.) (1997)
Savage, Joanne, "The Criminologist's Perspective," in Violence
and the Media
Saxe, Joel, "Violence in Videogames: What are the Pleasures?"
Schauer, Frederick, "Causation Theory and the Causes of Sexual Violence,"
Sørensen, Birgitte Holm & Carsten Jessen, "It Isn't Real:
Sprafkin, Joyce, et al., "Effects of Viewing Aggressive Cartoons
on the Behavior
Sprafkin, Joyce, Testimony in Eclipse Enterprises v. Gulotta (CV-92-3416)
Surgeon General's Advisory Comm. on Television & Social Behavior,
Thrasher, Frederic, "The Comics and Delinquency: Cause or Scapegoat,"
Tierney, John, "Here Come the Alpha Pups," New York Times
Magazine, Aug. 5, 2001
Twomey, John, "The Citizens' Committee and Comic Book Control,"
20 Law &
"Violent Crime Fell 9% in '01, Victim Survey Shows," New York Times, Sept. 9, 2002
Wiegman, Oene, et al., Television Viewing Related to Aggressive and Prosocial Behavior (1986)
Wiegman, Oene, et al., "A Longitudinal Study of the Effects of Television
Ellen Wolock, "Is There a Reasonable Approach to Handling Violence
Zimring, Franklin, & Gordon Hawkins, Crime is Not the Problem - Lethal
INTERACTIVE DIGITAL SOFTWARE ASS'N, et al.,
Amici are scholars in the fields of media, psychology, and culture. They view the relationship between entertainment and human behavior as multi-faceted and complex. They are concerned when, as in this case, a court relies on commonly held but mistaken beliefs about a proven causative link between violent entertainment and violent behavior to uphold a censorship law. They file this brief pursuant to F.R.A.P. 29, in an effort to assist the court in understanding the "media effects" debate.1
Both the St. Louis County Council, in passing Ordinance #20.193, and
the district court, in upholding it, relied on the assumption that video
games containing "graphic violence" cause violent behavior.
The Council heard testimony from psychologist Craig Anderson that playing
violent video games "for as short as 10 to 15 minutes" causes
"aggressive behavior" and, more broadly, that "there is
a causal connection between viewing violent movies and TV programs and
violent acts." J.A. 3, 4. The trial court relied on these statements,
adding that according to Anderson, video games are "addictive"
and "provide a complete learning environment for aggression."
Both the County Council and the court were mistaken. Most studies and
experiments on video games containing violent content have not found adverse
effects. Researchers who do report positive results have generally relied
on small statistical differences and used dubious "proxies"
for aggression, such as recognizing "aggressive words" on a
computer screen. Indeed, research on media violence more generally has
also failed to prove that it causes or is even a "risk factor"
for actual violent behavior. As psychologist Guy Cumberbatch has
This torturing of research data on media effects has been driven by
a "causal hypothesis" held by some psychologists, that youngsters
will imitate fantasy violence. There is some common-sense appeal to this
hypothesis. But seemingly common-sense notions do not always turn out
to be correct. And researchers' attempts to reduce the myriad effects
of art and entertainment to numerical measurements and artificial laboratory
experiments are not likely to yield useful insights about the way that
viewers actually use popular culture. Likewise, in a field as complex
as human aggression, it is questionable whether quantitative studies can
ever provide an adequately nuanced description of the interacting influences
that cause some people to become violent.
Violent crime rates across the United States have fallen significantly
in the past decade, even while fantasy violence in entertainment has increased
and while video games, especially violent ones, have become a staggeringly
popular form of entertainment. Youth violence in particular has seen dramatic
reductions.3 This does not mean that youth violence is
not a serious problem or for that matter, that media messages do
not have powerful effects. But those effects are much more diverse and
difficult to quantify than believers in the causal hypothesis generally
acknowledge. And efforts to address real-world violence by censoring entertainment
are profoundly misguided.
I. RESEARCH ON VIOLENT VIDEO GAMES HAS NOT DEMONSTRATED
One proponent of the causal hypothesis, however, continued to search
for evidence of harmful effects. In 2000, Craig Anderson and a colleague
reported on a lab experiment and a correlational study they had conducted.6
In the experiment, they had college students play part of either a violent
or a nonviolent video game, then tested them for aggression or "aggressive
cognition" by asking them to give "noise blasts" to a game
opponents or recognize "aggressive words" on a computer screen.
A somewhat larger number of the subjects who played the violent game excerpt
gave slightly longer noise blasts or recognized the words slightly more
quickly. The differences were in fractions of seconds. In addition, it
was highly questionable whether word recognition or noise blasts demonstrated
anything realistic about actual intent to harm another person.7
Nevertheless, Anderson concluded that exposure to "a graphically
violent video game increased aggressive thoughts and behavior."8
In the same article, Anderson reviewed previous video game research.
Of four experiments that found "weak" support for the causal
hypothesis, he acknowledged that none had ruled out "the possibility
that key variables such as excitement, difficulty, or enjoyment created
the observed increase in aggression." Other experiments were negative
or yielded "mixed results" and "little evidence" of
adverse effect. Yet the following year, Anderson and a colleague reported
on a new "meta-analysis" that they conducted, averaging the
results of 33 separate studies on violent video games. Now, they concluded
that the studies showed violent games "increase aggressive behavior
in children and young adults."9
Scholars critiqued Anderson's new calculations as well as his interpretation
of the underlying studies.10 As they pointed out, if
experiments with dubious results are incorrectly interpreted as supportive
of the causal hypothesis, the resulting meta-analysis will only magnify
In 2000, Indianapolis passed an ordinance restricting minors' access
to violent video games in arcades. The city relied on Anderson's "aggressive
word"/noise blast experiment to assert that a causal connection had
been established between violent games and aggressive behavior. The Court
of Appeals stuck down the ordinance, ruling that Anderson did not show
that "video games have ever caused anyone to commit a violent act,"
or "have caused the average level of violence to increase anywhere."
The court noted that violent themes have always been part of children's
literature; to shield youngsters from the subject "would not only
be quixotic, but deforming."11
Fantasy violence has been a theme in art, literature, and entertainment
since the beginning of civilization, but attempts to prove through science
that it has adverse effects are less than a century old. In 1928, the
Payne Fund commissioned sociologists to gather data on the effects of
cinema violence through surveys and interviews. The process took four
years, and resulted in multiple published volumes. The conclusions were
guarded and equivocal, but caution was forgotten in a one-volume summary,
Our Movie Made Children, which became a best-seller and claimed
the studies had proved harmful effects.12
In the 1950s, psychiatrist Fredric Wertham asserted that his informal
research with juvenile delinquents proved violent comic books to cause
crime. Wertham's methods were anecdotal; he had no control groups; and
he mistakenly relied on correlations as proof of causation. But his assertions
resonated with a public eager for answers to concerns about crime.13
The next subject of study was television. Soon after TV's emergence,
politicians began to stoke public anxieties about violent content. At
the same time, a new field of psychology, social learning theory, posited
that children imitate media violence. These psychologists believed, moreover,
that such effects could be measured through laboratory experiments. Albert
Bandura, leader of the social learning school, conducted experiments demonstrating
that some children shown films of adults hitting Bobo dolls will imitate
the behavior immediately afterward.14 Even though Bobo
dolls are meant to be hit, and aggressive play is far different from real-world
intent to harm, Bandura announced that he had proved adverse effects from
media violence. The announcement resonated politically, and the federal
government was soon funding other studies.
Psychologist Jonathan Freedman, who began studying media-effects research
in the early 1980s, was astounded at the disparity between the claims
being made and the actual results. In a 1984 article, he reported that
although there is a small statistical correlation between preference for
TV violence and aggressive behavior, there is no evidence of a causal
link. Likewise, he said, laboratory experiments, which can show a short-term
imitation effect, are too artificial to offer much guidance on TV's real-world
impact. And field experiments, more realistic attempts to gauge media-violence
influence, had wholly inconclusive results.17
Freedman found many instances of researchers manipulating results to
bolster their theories. A field experiment in 1973, for example, widely
cited in support the causal hypothesis, had numerous measures of aggression,
all of which failed to produce any finding of adverse effects. Not satisfied,
the researchers divided the children into "initially high aggression"
and "initially low aggression" categories, and again compared
results. Still there were no indications of harm from viewing violent
programs ("Batman" and "Superman"). The initially
high-aggression group, for example, became somewhat less aggressive after
the experiment, no matter which programs they watched. But after more
number-crunching, the researchers found that the initially high-aggression
children who were shown violent programs "decreased less in aggressiveness"
than the initially high-aggression children who watched neutral programs.
They seized upon this one finding to claim they had found support for
the causal hypothesis.18
Probably the most widely cited research project in these years was a
"longitudinal" study tracking correlations over time
to determine whether early preferences for violent entertainment
correlate with aggressiveness later in life. The researchers found no
correlation between violent TV viewing at age 8 and aggressive behavior
at age 18 for two out of three measures of aggression. But there was a
correlation for boys on a third measure of aggression peer reports.
They seized upon this finding, and claimed proof of harm from TV violence.19
They also later claimed a correlation between violent TV viewing in childhood
and violent crime at age 30. Oddly, however, they did not disclose the
actual numbers of violent criminals on whom they based their conclusions,
and their published report did not mention a link between early violent
viewing and adult crime at all. Nevertheless, one of the researchers,
Rowell Huesmann, testified in 1986 before the U.S. Senate using a bar
graph purportedly showing how violent TV causes violent crime. When, years
later, author Richard Rhodes asked for the actual numbers, Huesmann acknowledged
that the correlation shown in his dramatic bar graph was based on just
three individuals who committed violent crimes.20
Other researchers used correlation studies rather than experiments to
test the causal hypothesis. One much-publicized study of this type found
a correlation between the introduction of television in three countries
and subsequent homicide rates. Without considering either the level of
violent content in early TV, or other, more likely, explanations for the
increased homicides, the researcher announced that "the introduction
of television in the 1950s caused a subsequent doubling of the homicide
rate."25 Many scholars disputed his claims, most
notably two criminologists who reported in 1996 that homicide rates in
many countries including the U.S. had decreased over the previous two
decades despite increases in media violence.26
Some correlation research flatly undermined the causal hypothesis. In
1986, for example, Steven Messner reported negative correlations between
exposure to violent TV and violent crime in 281 metropolitan areas. Messner
stated: "The data consistently indicate that high levels of exposure
to violent television content are accompanied by relatively low rates
of violent crime."27
Similarly, an ambitious cross-national study coordinated by Huesmann
and his colleague Leonard Eron found no significant correlations over
time between children's media violence viewing and aggressive behavior
in Australia, Finland, the Netherlands, Poland, the U.S., or Kibbutz children
in Israel. The only strong correlations were for two groups of Israeli
city dwellers. Yet in this case, as Freedman recounts, most of the researchers
"tried to put the best face on it that they could" in the book
that resulted. "They hedged, did other analyses, and tried to make
it sound as if the results supported the initial prediction that television
violence would increase aggression." The Dutch researchers, however,
did not hedge. "Their write-up came right out and said that there
was no evidence of any effect." Huesmann and Eron refused to publish
their chapter unless they revised their conclusions.28
Some experiments, meanwhile, found more aggressive behavior associated
with nonviolent shows like "Sesame Street" and "Mr. Rogers'
Neighborhood." Joyce Sprafkin, who conducted some of these studies,
later described her reaction: "I decided to look back carefully at
the field and say, well, what have other people really found?" For
pre-school children, the field studies simply "did not support a
special significance for aggressive television."29
This year, Jonathan Freedman published a thorough review of some 200
experiments or studies all that he could locate attempting
to test the causal hypothesis. He found that most had negative results,
even accepting as positive some experiments that used poor, almost ridiculous,
proxies for aggression. Of 87 lab experiments, 37% supported the causal
hypothesis; 22% had mixed results, and 41% were nonsupportive. After Freedman
factored out experiments using "the most doubtful measures of aggression,"
only 28% of the results were supportive, 16% were mixed, and 55% were
non-supportive of the causal hypothesis.30
Freedman was hardly alone. A 2000 review of media-violence research by
the Federal Trade Commission reported that no firm conclusions about adverse
effects can be drawn.31
In 1994, a federal court in New York heard expert testimony on media-effects
research. The case involved a county ordinance that barred dissemination
to minors of any "trading card" that depicts a "heinous
crime" or a "heinous criminal," and is "harmful to
minors." Expert testimony from Jonathan Freedman and Joyce Sprafkin
made clear that, contrary to popular belief, research on the effects of
media violence has yielded inconclusive results. The court held that the
county had not justified the ordinance with any evidence of harm from
"heinous crime" trading cards.32
Despite the overall failure of media-effects researchers to prove harmful
effects, some studies have reported positive findings. There are a number
of reasons why these occasional positive results do not support the hypothesis
that fantasy violence has adverse real-world effects.
The first reason relates to a fundamental but often-forgotten fact about
social science research. Its results are "probabilistic." That
is, the "identification of a causal relationship" through lab
or field experiments "does not entail the conclusion that the identified
cause produces the effect in all, a majority, or even a very large proportion
of cases."33 Thus, even studies that show a "statistically
significant" link between violent entertainment and aggressive behavior
do not mean that the link exists for most, or even a substantial minority
of, individuals. "Significant" in the statistical sense "does
not mean important.' It means simply not likely to happen
just by chance.'"34
Another problem with drawing real-world conclusions from quantitative
media-effects research is that both "violence" and "aggression"
are very broad concepts. Researchers have used vastly different examples
of violent content in the cartoons, film clips, or games that they study.
Generalizations about all violence (or all "graphic violence")
from these differing examples are not trustworthy, and fail to account
for the many different contexts in which works of art or entertainment
Yet another problem is that experimenters have not always made their
nonviolent excerpts equivalent to their violent ones in respect to other
variables such as general level of interest or excitement. Freedman gives
a striking example an early, much-cited experiment that compared
subjects' behavior after watching either an exciting film clip of a prizefight
or a soporific clip about canal boats. Since the canal boat film was not
nearly as exciting as the prizefight film, it was probably the subjects'
general arousal level, not their imitation of violence onscreen, that
accounted for a statistical difference in their subsequent lab behavior.35
Measuring "aggression" is a further problem. For one thing,
not all aggression is socially disapproved. For another, aggressive attitudes
or "cognition" are not the same as aggressive behavior. Proxies
for aggression in lab experiments range from dubious (noise blasts; Bobo
dolls; "killing" characters in a video game) to ludicrous (popping
balloons; interpreting ambiguous stories in a way that coders consider
"more hostile"; recommending a grant termination).36
Moreover, aggressive play, whether in a lab or in the real world, is far different from real aggression intended to hurt another person.37 Indeed, aggressive play provides a socially approved outlet for impulses that otherwise might take dangerous forms. Thus, the argument that the statistical link between media violence and aggression is as strong as the link between cigarette smoking and cancer (or other physiological analogues that are often used), even if it were true empirically, would be meaningless, because while scientists can measure the presence or absence of disease, psychologists cannot measure real aggression through the proxies used in lab experiments.
A final problem is the "experimenter demand" factor. Not only
are behaviors permitted and encouraged in experiments that would be disapproved
outside the lab, but subjects generally know what the researcher is looking
for. Numerous scholars have noted this problem.38
The causal hypothesis has been popular within one branch of psychology.
Other scholars take more nuanced and less simplistic approaches to both
media effects and human aggression.39 They look, as
Professor David Buckingham puts it, at "the diverse and active ways
in which children and young people use the media for different social
and psychological purposes.40" MIT's Henry Jenkins
summed up this approach when he wrote that many young people "move
nomadically across the media landscape, cobbling together a personal mythology
of symbols and stories, and investing those appropriated materials with
various personal and subcultural meanings." Because of this wide
variety of responses, "universalizing claims are fundamentally inadequate
in accounting for media's social and cultural impact."41
The National Academy of Sciences has likewise pointed out that the causal
hypothesis is simplistic because it fails to consider either how different
individuals respond to identical stimuli, or how different individuals'
psychosocial, neurological, and hormonal characteristics interact to produce
Art and entertainment influence different individuals in varying ways,
depending upon their characters, intelligence, upbringing, and social
situation. For a relatively few predisposed youths, the modus operandi
of a crime depicted in a film might inspire them to incorporate those
details into a violent act.43 For a far greater number,
the same violent work will be relaxing, cathartic, or simply entertaining.
Jenkins describes at least four functions of violent entertainment: offering
youngsters "fantasies of empowerment," "fantasies of transgression,"
"intensification of emotional experience," and "an acknowledgment
that the world is not all sweetness and light."44
Similarly, psychologist Jeffrey Arnett, studying a correlation between
adolescents' reckless behavior and preference for violent music, found
"sensation seeking" to be the independent factor that accounts
for both the preference and the behavior. He reported that "adolescents
who like heavy metal music listen to it especially when they are angry
and that the music has the effect of calming them down and dissipating
Experts on childhood and adolescence have long recognized the importance
of violent fantasy play in overcoming anxieties, processing anger, and
providing outlets for aggression. Bruno Bettelheim was a pioneer in describing
these responses in the context of violent fairy tales.46
As film historian Jon Lewis explains, Bettelheim understood that children
have "terrible struggles, terrible fears"; they are "small,
and fully aware that they have no power." Violent stories "offer
a safe opportunity to fantasize about having some power in a world that
otherwise seems prepared to crush them."47
Media scholars, eschewing artificial laboratory experiments and using
real-world research methods such as interviews and observation, have explored
why young enthusiasts are drawn to violent entertainment. Contributors
to the anthology Why We Watch report that some children "seek
out violent programming that features heroes triumphing over villains
in an effort to control their anxieties," and observe that historically,
as real-world violence in daily life has decreased, "representations"
have "supplanted actual experience" as a way for youngsters
to cope with their fears.48
Author Gerard Jones recently interviewed psychiatrists, pediatricians,
therapists, teachers, and parents on the attractions of fantasy violence.
"I gathered hundreds of stories of young people who had benefitted
from superhero comics, action movies, cartoons, shoot-'em-up video games,
and angry rap and rock songs," he writes. For the most part, he found
young people "using fantasies of combat in order to feel stronger,
to access their emotions, to take control of their anxieties, [and] to
calm themselves down in the face of real danger." Jones notes that
one function of play is to explore, "in a safe and controlled context,
what is impossible or too dangerous or forbidden" in reality.
In "focusing so intently on the literal," Jones says, many
media critics "overlook the emotional meaning of stories and images."
These attractions of fantasy violence are especially pertinent to video
games. In 1995, communications scholar Joel Saxe used in-depth interviews
"to assess a full range of player preferences and interpretations
related to video games." He found that gamers express a "deep
sense of thrill" in response to the "highly exaggerated, on-screen
violent fantasy play." Transgression, rebellion, and the ability
to defy the "formal rules of civility" in a fantasy world all
contributed to the appeal. "As players elaborate the meaning of the
gaming experience," Saxe says, they interpret the fantasy play as
a "healthy outlet," providing "a means of releasing feelings
of aggression." The play "is also linked to feelings of positive
accomplishment," given the competitive format of the games, and the
level of skill required.50
Similarly, researchers in Denmark, using "qualitative methods such
as in-depth interviews and observations," found "competition,
challenge, and achievement" to be particular attractions of video
games. "The violent elements in computer games are attractive as
spectacular effects," and because "they prompt excitement and
thrill." They are "in line with genres known from the film industry,"
such as action films and animation, and thus have inherited violence from
other media that emphasize spectacular effects. The element of exaggeration
"is fully recognized by children." In fact, children see the
violence in video games as less anxiety-provoking than movies and television,
because it is more clearly fantastic. The children in the investigation,
some as young as five, were fully aware of the difference between reality
and the exaggerated fiction of computer games.51
Part of video games' appeal is their communal character. Often they are
played in groups, and even when played alone, the iconography of the games
forms a bond among many youngsters. A number of authors have described
the elaborate communities associated with video games.52
Saxe notes: "even though the screen fantasy play revolves around
brute violence, the actual relations among players in the immediate play
area are cooperative, if not amiable."53
Researchers who rely on lab experiments or statistical correlations fail
to take account of this social context. As psychologist Jeffrey Goldstein
explains, young people bring their entertainment choices to bear on "questions
of identity, belonging and independence." Their taste in clothes,
music, and video games "has a social purpose."
Likewise, the Danish researchers found that "children's fascination
with violent computer games cannot be understood without considering these
social aspects. The violent elements fascinate some children, but this
fascination should not be mistaken for a fascination with violence in
the real world. On the contrary, all children in the investigation repudiated
It is true, of course, that many aggressive youths are attracted to violent
video games. It is also true that many non-aggressive youths are drawn
to violent games. For them, the games provide fantasies of empowerment,
excitement, feelings of competence, and membership in a community. Jones
observes: "heavy gamers as a population are overwhelmingly non-confrontational
Games researcher Celia Pearce sums up the humanist understanding of violent
fantasy games: "Most of the alarmism about violence," she writes,
"is based on a profound misunderstanding about the social and emotional
function of games. Games allow people who are midway between childhood
and adulthood to engage in fantasies of power to compensate for their
own feelings of personal powerlessness. This role-playing function is
important for children of all ages."57
Stephen Jay Gould observed that efforts to invoke science to "validate a social preference" can distort both science and public policy; the risk is greatest when "topics are invested with enormous social importance but blessed with very little reliable information."58 Censorship laws based on bogus claims that science has proved harm from violent entertainment deflect attention from the real causes of violence and, given the positive uses of violent fantasy, may be counterproductive. For these reasons, the lower court's reliance on assumptions about adverse effects from violent video games should be rejected, and the judgment below should be reversed.
Joan E. Bertin
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
September 24, 2002
1. See Appendix for biographies of the amici. All parties have consented to the filing of this brief.
2. Guy Cumberbatch, "Video Violence: Villain or Victim?" (Video Standards Council, UK, 2001), www.videostandards.org.uk/video_violence.htm (accessed 9/13/02).
3. Mike Males, Framing Youth (1999), pp. 5-6, 28-70; Jib Fowles, The Case for Television Violence (1999), pp. 52-53; Federal Bureau of Investigation, Uniform Crime Report (2000) (rates of violent crime for youths aged 10-17 at their lowest level since 1987; between 1990-2000, juvenile violence arrest rates fell 27%, including a record 68% drop in homicides); "Violent Crime Fell 9% in '01, Victim Survey Shows," New York Times, Sept. 9, 2002, p. A18.
4. Kevin Durkin, Computer Games - Their Effects on Young People (Australia Office of Film & Literature Classification, 1995), p. 2; Kevin Durkin, Computer Games and Australians Today (Australia Office of Film & Literature Classification, 1999), p. 3.
5. E.g., Barrie Gunter, The Effects of Video Games on Children: The Myth Unmasked (1998), pp. 94-109; Lillian Bensley & Juliet Van Eenwyk, "Video Games and Real-Life Aggression: Review of the Literature," 29(4) J. Adolescent Health 244, 256 (2001) (findings "not supportive of a major public concern that violent video games lead to real-life violence"); Mark Griffiths, "Violent Video Games and Aggression: A Review of the Literature," 4 Aggression & Violent Behav. 203 (1999) (studies' results are "consistent with the catharsis hypothesis" that fantasy aggression "releases the energy that would otherwise be expressed in aggressive behavior").
6. A correlation between two characteristics, such as aggressive behavior and attraction to violent entertainment, gives no clue as to which causes the other, or whether one or more independent factors such as a violent home, predisposition, or parental neglect accounts for both the aggression and the preference for violent media.
7. Cumberbatch, "Video Violence," supra.
8. Craig Anderson & Karen Dill, "Video Games and Aggressive Thoughts, Feelings, and Behavior in the Laboratory and in Life," 78(4) J. of Personality & Social Psych. 772 (2000).
9.Craig Anderson & Brad Bushman, "Effects of Violent Video Games on Aggressive Behavior, Aggressive Cognition, Aggressive Affect, Physiological Arousal, and Prosocial Behavior: A Meta-Analytic Review of the Scientific Literature," 12(5) Psych. Science 353 (2001).
10. Christopher J. Ferguson, "Media Violence, Media Causality," 57(6-7) Amer. Psychologist 446 (2002); see also, e.g., Richard Bloom, "On Media Violence: Whose Facts? Whose Misinformation?" 57(6-7) Amer. Psychologist 447 (2002).
11. American Amusement Machine Ass'n v. Kendrick, 244 F.3d 572, 577-79 (7th Cir. 2001).
12. See Gregory Black, Hollywood Censored (1994), pp. 151-54.
13. See Margaret Blanchard, "The American Urge to Censor," 22 Wm. & Mary L.Rev. 741 (1992); John Twomey, "The Citizens' Committee and Comic Book Control," 20 Law & Contemp. Probs. 621 (1955); Frederic Thrasher, "The Comics and Delinquency: Cause or Scapegoat," 23 J. Educ. Sociology 195 (1949).
14. Albert Bandura et al., "Imitation of Film-Mediated Aggressive Models," 66 J. Abnormal & Soc. Psych. 3 (1963). Bandura popularized his claims in Look magazine: "What TV Violence Can Do to Your Child," Look, Oct. 22, 1963, p. 46.
15. Surgeon General's Advisory Comm. on Television & Social Behavior, Television and Growing Up: The Impact of Televised Violence (1972), pp. 4, 7, 67. Psychologist Stuart Fischoff notes that it was almost impossible in these years to get government funding for media research unless one was looking for harmful effects. Fischoff, "Psychology's Quixotic Quest for the Media-Violence Connection," 4(4) J. Media Psych. (1999), http://www.calstatela.edu/faculty/sfischo/violence.html (accessed 9/20/02).
16. Willard Rowland, Jr., The Politics of TV Violence (1983), pp. 135-96.
17. Jonathan Freedman, "Effect of Television Violence on Aggression," 96(2) Psych. Bull. 227 (1984).
18. Jonathan Freedman, "Viewing Television Violence Does Not Make People More Aggressive," 22 Hofstra L. Rev. 833, 843-46 (1994). The study was Lynette Friedrich & Aletha Stein, "Aggressive and Prosocial Television Programs and the Natural Behavior of Preschool Children," 38(4) Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development (1973).
19. This phase of the study was reported in Leonard Eron et al., "Does Television Violence Cause Aggression?" 27 Am. Psychologist 253 (1972).
20. Richard Rhodes, "The Media-Violence Myth," Rolling Stone, Nov. 23, 2000, p. 55; e-mail from Huesmann to Rhodes, Mar. 13, 2000. The follow-up study was reported in L. Rowell Huesmann et al., "The Stability of Aggression Over Time and Generations," 20 Devel. Psych. 1120 (1984).
21. National Institute of Mental Health, Television and Behavior - Ten Years of Scientific Progress and Implications for the Eighties (1982).
22. Willard Rowland, Jr., "Television Violence Redux: The Continuing Mythology of Effects," in Ill Effects: The Media Violence Debate (M. Baker & J. Petley, eds.) (1997), p. 113.
23. E.g., Thomas Cook et al., "The Implicit Assumptions of Television Research: An Analysis of the 1982 NIMH Report on Television and Behavior," 47 Pub. Opin. Q. 161, 181-82 (1983) ("the field experiments on television violence produce little consistent evidence of effects, despite claims to the contrary"); see also "Guns, Lies, and Videotape," 354(9178) The Lancet 525 (1999) ("it is inaccurate to imply that the published work strongly indicates a causal link between virtual and actual violence").
24. William McGuire, "The Myth of Massive Media Impact: Savagings and Salvagings," in Public Communication and Behavior (G. Comstock, ed.) (1986), p. 174.
25. Brandon Centerwall, "Television and Violence: The Scale of the Problem and Where to Go From Here," 267(22) J.A.M.A. 3059, 3061 (1992).
26.Franklin Zimring & Gordon Hawkins, Crime is Not the Problem - Lethal Violence in America (1997), pp. 133-34, 239-43.
27. Steven Messner, "Television Violence and Violent Crime," 33(3) Social Problems 218, 228 (1986).
28. Freedman, "Viewing Television Violence," supra, 22 Hofstra L. Rev. at 849-51. The Dutch researchers published their report separately; see Oene Wiegman et al., Television Viewing Related to Aggressive and Prosocial behavior (1986); Oene Wiegman et al., "A Longitudinal Study of the Effects of Television Viewing on Aggressive and Prosocial Behaviors," 31 Brit. J. Social Psych. 147 (1992).
29. Sprafkin testimony in Eclipse Enterprises v. Gulotta (CV-92-3416) (E.D.N.Y. Mar. 28, 1994), pp. 112-13; see also Joyce Sprafkin et al., "Effects of Viewing Aggressive Cartoons on the Behavior of Learning Disabled Children," 28 J. Child Psych. & Psychiatry 387 (1987); Kenneth Gadow & Joyce Sprafkin, "Field Experiments of Television Violence with Children: Evidence for an Environmental Hazard?" 83 Pediatrics 399 (1989).
30. Jonathan Freedman, Media Violence and Its Effect on Aggression (2002), pp. 56, 62-63. For field experiments, the percent of negative results was higher: "only three of the ten studies obtained even slightly supportive results,"and even this weak showing gave "a more favorable picture than is justified," for several of the studies with null results "actually consisted of many separate studies." Counting the results of these separate studies, three field experiments found some support; 20 did not. Id., pp. 106-07.
31. Federal Trade Comm'n, Marketing Entertainment Violence to Children, Appendix A, "A Review of Research on the Impact of Violence in Entertainment Media" (2000).
32. Eclipse Enterprises v. Gulotta, 134 F.3d 63 (2nd Cir. 1997).
33. Frederick Schauer, "Causation Theory and the Causes of Sexual Violence," 4 Am. Bar Fdtn Rsrch J. 737, 752-53 (1987).
34. David Moore, Statistics - Concepts and Controversies 486-90 (4th ed.) (1997).
35. Freedman, Media Violence and Its Effect on Aggression, supra, p. 78. The study was Leonard Berkowitz et al., "Film Violence and Subsequent Aggressive Tendencies," 27 Public Opin. Q. 217 (1973).
36. The grant termination example is from Fischoff, supra; the "more hostile" interpretation example is from Anderson & Dill, supra. See also Ellen Wolock, "Is There a Reasonable Approach to Handling Violence in Video Games?" Children's Software Revue, July/Aug. 2002 (occasional findings of short-term effects are questionable, given how "aggressivity" is measured "increase in heart rate and blood pressure, negative responses on questionnaires, toy choice, etc."); Craig Emes, "Is Mr. Pac Man Eating Our Children? A Review of the Effect of Video Games on Children," 42 Can. J. Psychiatry 409, 413 (1997) (reliability and validity of procedures used to measure aggression "are questionable").
37. Goldstein, "Does Playing Violent Video Games Cause Aggressive Behavior?" Paper presented at U. of Chicago "Playing By the Rules" Conference, Oct. 27, 2001, p. 5. Goldstein notes that "in the rare study that measures both aggressive play and aggressive behavior, violent video games affect the former and not the latter." Id. See also Griffiths, "Violent Video Games," supra (questioning whether aggressive free play observed in a lab is useful predictor of anti-social aggression).
38. E.g., Freedman, Media Violence and Its Effect on Aggression, supra, 49-51, 80-83; Cumberbatch, supra (quoting "one shrewd four year-old who, on arriving at the laboratory, ... was heard to whisper to her mother, 'Look mummy! There's the doll we have to hit!'"); Joanne Savage, "The Criminologist's Perspective," in Violence and the Media (Freedom Forum, 2001), p. 28 ("it is possible that showing subjects violent material creates an atmosphere of permissiveness and encourages them to be more aggressive").
39. Other theories of aggression look to social conditions, family environment, brain chemistry, and variations in human character. E.g., Debra Niehoff, The Biology of Violence (1999); Jonathan Kellerman, Savage Spawn - Reflections on Violent Children (1999); Rollo May, Power and Innocence - A Search for the Sources of Violence (1972); Erich Fromm, The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness (1973); Konrad Lorenz, On Aggression (1963).
40.David Buckingham, "Electronic Child Abuse? Rethinking the Media's Effects on Children," in Ill Effects: The Media Violence Debate (M. Barker & J. Petley, eds.) (1997), p. 34.
41. Henry Jenkins, "Professor Jenkins Goes to Washington," Harper's, July 1999, p. 23; Henry Jenkins, "Lessons From Littleton: What Congress Doesn't Want to Hear About Youth and Media," Independent School, Winter 2000, http://www.nais.org/pubs/ismag.cfm?file_id=537&ismag_id=14 (accessed 9/19/02).
42. National Research Council, Nat'l Academy of Sciences, Understanding and Preventing Violence (A. Reiss, Jr. & J. Roth, eds.) (1993), pp. 101-02.
43. See John Douglas & Mark Olshaker, The Anatomy of Motive (1999), pp. 82-87 (media can provide "modus operandi and signature elements" to criminals, but do not cause law-abiding people to commit violent acts); Fischoff, supra (same).
44. Jenkins, "Lessons From Littleton," supra; see also Jeffrey Goldstein, "Why We Watch," in Why We Watch, supra, pp. 216-20 (appeals of violent entertainment include mood management, sensation-seeking and excitement, emotional expression, and the state of "flow" one experiences when immersed in an activity).
45. Jeffrey Arnett, "The Soundtrack of Restlessness - Musical Preferences and Reckless Behavior Among Adolescents," 7 J. Adol. Rsrch 313, 328 (1992); Jeffrey Arnett, "Adolescents and Heavy Metal Music: From the Mouths of Metalheads," 23 Youth & Society 76 (1991); see also Lawrence Kurdek, "Gender Differences in the Psychological Symptomatology and Coping Strategies of Young Adolescents," 7 J. Early Adol. 395 (1987) (heavy metal music is useful to adolescents in purging anger).
46. Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment (1975); see also David Blum, "Embracing Fear as Fun To Practice for Reality: Why People Like to Terrify Themselves," New York Times, Oct. 30, 1999, p. B11 (many children and adults enjoy horror movies because they can "experience fear without real danger to themselves" and thereby "tame its effects on the psyche").
47. E-mail to Free Expression Policy Project, Sept. 2, 2002.
48. Joanne Cantor, "Children's Attraction to Violent Television Programming"; Clark McCauley, "When Screen Violence is Not Attractive"; Vicki Goldberg, "Death Takes a Holiday, Sort Of," in Why We Watch, supra, pp. 113, 149, 28. See also Celia Pearce, "Beyond Shoot Your Friends: A Call to Arms in the Battle Against Violence," in Digital Illusion: Entertaining the Future With High Technology (C. Dodsworth, Jr., ed.) (1998), p. 218 (as actual violence in society, especially as a form of public entertainment, has decreased (beheadings, mutiliations, etc.), we have, perhaps, "evolved to the point where more of our violence is vicarious than actual"); Norbert Elias & Eric Dunning, Quest for Excitement: Sport and Leisure in the Civilizing Process (1986) (seeking pleasurable excitement from violent entertainment is part of the civilizing process).
49. Gerard Jones, Killing Monsters (2002), pp. 6, 11. Jones quotes child development specialist Donna Mitroff ("children have a deep need, an almost physical need, for these archetypes of power and heroism"), and psychiatrist Lenore Terr (like toy guns in the pre-electronic era,, fantasy violence is "one of the best tools they have for dealing with their aggressions"). Id., pp. 73, 54.
50. Joel Saxe, "Violence in Videogames: What are the Pleasures?" Paper presented at the Int'l Conference on Violence in the Media, St. John's University, Oct. 1994, pp. 2, 8, 10 (reprinted in 2(1) CommOddities - A Journal of Communication and Culture, July 1995).
51. Birgitte Holm Sørensen & Carsten Jessen, "It Isn't Real: Children, Computer Games, Violence and Reality," in Children in the New Media Landscape (C. Von Feilitzen & U. Carlsson, eds.) (2000), pp. 119-21. Similarly, David Buckingham reports that children often describe horror films "as unrealistic' and even as laughable ... Many [are] keen to draw attention to the liberal use of tomato ketchup' and make-up.'" Alissa Quart, "Child's Play," Lingua Franca, Oct. 2001, p. 55.
52. E.g., J.C. Herz, Joystick Nation (1997); John Tierney, "Here Come the Alpha Pups," New York Times Magazine, Aug. 5, 2001, p. 38.
53. Saxe, supra, p. 11.
54. Goldstein, "Does Playing Violent Video Games Cause Aggressive Behavior?" supra, p. 7.
55. Sørensen & Jessen, supra, p. 120.
56. E-mail to Free Expression Policy Project, Sept. 12, 2002.
57. E-mail to Free Expression Policy Project, Aug. 15, 2002.
58. Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (1981), pp. 22-23.
SARAH BANET-WEISER is Assistant Professor of Communication at the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Southern California. She specializes in media and cultural studies, and focuses on issues of gender, race, and nationalism. She is the author of The Most Beautiful Girl in the World: Beauty Pageants and National Identity, and has written several recent articles on children, technology and citizenship. She is currently working on a book on the social history of the children's television network, Nickelodeon.
MARTIN BARKER is Professor of Film and Television Studies, University of Wales, Aberystwyth. He is the author of A Haunt of Fears: the Strange History of the British Horror Comics Campaign, Knowing Audiences: Judge Dredd, its Friends, Fans and Foes (based on a publicly-funded study of audiences for action-adventure movies); The Crash Controversy: Censorship Campaigns and Film Reception (a further publicly-funded examination of audience responses to one highly controversial film in Britain between 1996-97). He has also edited The Video Nasties: Freedom and Censorship in the Arts, and Ill Effects: The Media /Violence Debate.
DAVID BUCKINGHAM is Professor of Education in the Culture, Communication and Societies Group at the Institute of Education, London University, England, and Director of the Centre for the Study of Children, Youth and Media in London. He has acted as a consultant for the British Film Institute, the Institute for Public Policy Research, UNESCO, the Schools Curriculum and Assessment Authority, and the Australian Children's Television Foundation. His publications include After the Death of Childhood: Growing Up in the Age of Electronic Media, The Making of Citizens: Young People, News and Politics, Moving Images: Understanding Children's Emotional Responses to Television, and Children Talking Television: The Making of Television Literacy.
FRANCIS COUVARES is a Dean and E. Dwight Salmon Professor of History and American Studies at Amherst College. His current work is in the history of censorship; in 1996 he published an edited collection of essays, entitled Movie Censorship and American Culture. Most recently he co-edited Interpretations of American History (7th ed.). He teaches courses in 19th and 20th century U.S. social and cultural history, as well as in American Studies.
JANE YELLOWLEES DOUGLAS is Associate Professor of English at the University of Florida, specializing in hypertext/media and interactive fiction. She previously was Director of the William and Grace Dial Center for Written and Oral Communication at the University of Florida and Research Fellow at the Centre for Research into Innovation, Culture, and Technology at Brunel University (London). She has written for Literature Film Quarterly, Leonardo: International Journal of Arts, Science, and Technology, and Computers and Composition, among other journals, has contributed to anthologies including Hyper/Text/Theory and Page to Screen: Taking Literacy into the Electronic Age, and is also the author of The End of Books or Books without End? Reading Interactive Narratives.
CHRISTOPHER J. FERGUSON is Lecturer in Psychology and Doctoral Candidate at the University of Central Florida. He has published several articles in the area of clinical psychology related both to aggression and to the more theoretical area of free will. He has made numerous research presentations at conferences on criminal behavior. He teaches undergraduate courses in forensic psychology, general psychology research methods, learning, and motivation, and has recently published a critical analysis of claims that scientific experiments have proved violent video games to have adverse effects.
STUART FISCHOFF is Professor of Media Psychology at California State University - Los Angeles, founding president of Division 46 (Media) of the American Psychological Association (APA), and a Fellow in the APA. He is the author of numerous articles in professional journals, including "Psychology's Quixotic Quest for the Media-Violence Connection," in the Journal of Media Psychology and "Gangsta' Rap and A Murder in Bakersfield," in the Journal of Applied Social Psychology. He has appeared on numerous television and radio shows and in print discussing the dubious relationship between media violence and real-life violence.
JIB FOWLES, Professor of Communication at the University of Houston - Clear Lake, is the author of seven books including Why Viewers Watch and The Case for Television Violence. His articles have appeared in the New York Times, The Atlantic Monthly, TV Guide, Advertising Age, the Chronicle of Higher Education, and many scholarly journals. He has testified at U.S. Senate hearings on the subject of television violence.
TODD GITLIN is the author or editor of twelve books, of which four are widely assigned texts in media studies: The Whole World is Watching, Inside Prime Time, Watching Television (ed.), and Media Unlimited. He has been invited to lecture on the social impact of media in Canada, France, Great Britain, Germany, Spain, Greece, Israel, Hong Kong, and Japan. He was a professor of sociology and founding director of the mass communications program at the University of California, Berkeley, and then taught in the departments of culture and communication, journalism, and sociology at New York University before taking up his current position at Columbia University.
ROBERT HORWITZ is Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of California, San Diego. He received his BA from Stanford University and PhD in Sociology from Brandeis University. He is the author of The Irony of Regulatory Reform: The Deregulation of American Telecommunications, and several articles on communications media and free speech law in the United States.
HENRY JENKINS holds the Ann Fetter Freidlaender Chair of the Humanities and is the Director of the Comparative Media Studies Program at Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He is the author or editor of seven books, including The Children's Culture Reader and From Barbie to Mortal Kombat: Gender and Computer Games. He holds a MA in Communication Studies from the University of Iowa and a PhD in Communication Arts from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
GERARD JONES is the author, most recently, of Killing Monsters: Why Children Need Fantasy, Super Heroes, and Make-Believe Violence. His previous books include Honey I'm Home: Sitcoms Selling the American Dream and The Comic Book Heroes (with Will Jacobs). He has developed and taught in the Art & Story Workshops for Children and Adolescents in California, and spoken on fantasy, aggression, and the media at the University of Chicago, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and other universities.
CHUCK KLEINHANS is Director of Graduate Studies in the Department of Radio, Television, and Film at Northwestern University. He is the co-editor of Jump Cut: A Review of Contemporary Media and teaches courses in media and development, mass culture: theory and case studies, and independent film and video.
PETER LEHMAN is Professor of Film and Director of the Interdisciplinary Humanities Program at Arizona State University. He is author of Running Scared: Masculinity and the Representation of the Male Body and of Roy Orbison and the Invention of an Alternative Rock Masculinity (forthcoming from Temple University Press). His edited volumes include Masculinity: Bodies, Movies, Culture and Close Viewings: An Anthologyof Film Criticism. He has served as president of the Society for Cinema Studies, editor of Wide Angle, and director of the Ohio University Film Conference.
JON LEWIS is Professor of English at Oregon State University. He is the author of Hollywood v. Hard Core: How the Struggle over Censorship Saved the Modern Film Industry and other works focusing on film and media censorship published in scholarly journals and anthologies. Professor Lewis has just been selected as the editor of Cinema Journal, the academic film journal published by the Society for Cinema Studies, the largest professional organization of teachers of film, TV and other media.
MIKE MALES is Senior Researcher for the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, and Sociology Instructor at the University of California, Santa Cruz. He is the author of Framing Youth: Ten Myths About the Next Generation, The Scapegoat Generation: America's War on Adolescents, Smoked, and Kids & Guns. He has written extensively on youth and social issues in The Lancet, The New York Times, Phi Delta Kappan, The Progressive, Adolescence, and Journal of School Health.
RICHARD MALTBY is head of the School of Humanities and Professor of Screen
Studies at Flinders University in Adelaide, Australia. He is the author
of Hollywood Cinema: An Introduction, Dreams for Sale: Popular Culture
in the Twentieth Century, and Harmless Entertainment: Hollywood
and the Ideology of Consensus, and the editor of three books examining
the history of audiences and audience responses to American cinema: Hollywood
Spectatorship: Changing Perceptions of Cinema Audiences, Identifying Hollywood's
Audiences: Cultural Identity and the Movies, and American Movie
Audiences: From the Turn of the Century to the Early Sound Era.
FRANS MÄYRÄ is Professor and Deputy Director of the Hypermedia Laboratory at the University of Tampere in Finland. The Laboratory offers education on hypermedia and interactive and digital media that are closely related to it, and conducts research and development of hypermedia in different aspects of science. Starting from the discipline of comparative literature, Professor Mäyrä has developed research expertise in the cultural and social relationship of people with technology in general, and particularly digital and other forms of horror and subversive cultural forms. He is the editor of Computer Games and Digital Cultures, proceedings of a conference in 2002 organized by the Hypermedia Laboratory to study the significant and expanding field of digital games as an autonomous form of art and culture. He is also coordinator of the Digital Games Research Association initiative (DiGRA).
TARA McPHERSON is Associate Professor of Gender Studies and Critical Studies at the University of Southern California's School of Cinema-TV, where she teaches courses in television, new media, and contemporary popular culture. Before arriving at USC, she taught film and media studies at Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Her writing has appeared in numerous journals, including Camera Obscura, The Velvet Light Trap, Discourse, and Screen, and in edited anthologies such as Race in Cyberspace, The New Media Handbook, and Basketball Jones. Her Reconstructing Dixie: Race, Gender and Nostalgia in the Imagined South is forthcoming from Duke University Press, as is the anthology Hop on Pop: The Politics and Pleasures of Popular Culture (co-edited with Henry Jenkins and Jane Shattuc).
JANE MILLS is Honorary Associate at the University of Sydney and Senior Research Associate at the Australian Film, Television & Radio School. Formerly a documentary filmmaker and senior university academic, director of the Edinburgh International Television Festival, and Head of Production at the National Film & Television School in the United Kingdom, she was also Head of Screen Studies at the Australian Film, Television & Radio School from 1995 - 2000. She has written extensively on film, gender studies, linguistics and censorship issues. Her most recent book is The Money Shot: Cinema Sin & Censorship.
STUART MOULTHROP is Professor of Language, Literature, and Communications at the University of Baltimore, and the author of Victory Garden, a widely recognized work of hypertext fiction, as well as numerous essays, articles, and reviews. He is emeritus editor of the online journal Postmodern Culture, and a director of the Electronic Literature Organization. He is currently involved in a three-year research project funded by the National Science Foundation, to study minors' use of the Internet and involvement in software design.
CELIA PEARCE is an interactive multimedia designer, artist, and games researcher at the University of California - Irvine. She is the author of The Interactive Book: A Guide to the Interactive Revolution, as well as papers and articles on interactive media culture and design. Previously, she was a Visiting Scholar at the University of Southern California, where she produced "Entertainment in the Interactive Age," a highly acclaimed conference on game design, and helped to develop an MFA Program in Interactive Media for the School of Cinema-Television.
CONSTANCE PENLEY is Professor and Chair of Film Studies at the University of California - Santa Barbara, specializing in film theory, television, popular culture, and new media technologies. She is the author of The Future of an Illusion: Film, Feminism, and Psychoanalysis; and co-editor of Technoculture and Male Trouble. She also co-edits Camera Obscura: A Journal of Feminism and Film Theory. Professor Penley's research methods textual, historical, and ethnographic explicitly question the decontextual-ized results of media effects research and demonstrate the importance of humanistic research on mass media to public-policy decision-making.
JULIAN PETLEY is Professor of Sociology and Communications at Brunel University in West London, England. He is co-editor of Ill Effects: the Media Violence Debate, which recently appeared in a second, expanded edition, and British Horror Cinema. He chairs the British Campaign for Press and Broadcasting Freedom and has written about the media, and especially censorship, for a wide range of publications including The Guardian, Independent, Sight and Sound, New Statesman, Screen, British Journalism Review, The Journal of Popular British Cinema, Index on Censorship, Free Press, and Media, Culture and Society. He is also a major contributor to the four-volume International Encyclopedia of Censorship, and a frequent broadcaster on media matters.
RICHARD PORTON is an editor of Cineaste magazine and author of Film and the Anarchist Imagination. He received his PhD in cinema studies from New York University. He is currently working on a book dealing with representations of prostitution in cinema for Cooper Square Books.
ANGELO RESTIVO is Assistant Professor of Film Studies in the Department of English at East Carolina University. He is the author of The Cinema of Economic Miracles: Visuality and Modernization in the Italian Art Film, and has contributed articles to Film Quarterly, The Critical Dictionary of Film and Television Theory, and The Road Movie Book.
RICHARD RHODES, an independent journalist and historian who specializes in investigating science issues, is the author of 18 books. His 1986 history The Making of the Atomic Bomb won a Pulitzer Prize in Non-Fiction and a National Book Award. He is the author of Why They Kill: The Discoveries of a Maverick Criminologist, and "The Media- Violence Myth" in Rolling Stone. He has received grants and fellowships from the Guggenheim Foundation, the Ford Foundation, the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the MacArthur Foundation and has been a visiting research fellow at Harvard and MIT.
ELLEN E. SEITER is Professor of Communication at the University of California - San Diego, where she teaches media studies and women's studies. She specializes in the study of children and the media and is the author of Television and New Media Audiences and Sold Separately: Children and Parents in Consumer Culture. Her articles have appeared in Cultural Studies, Feminist Review, Journal of Communication, Journal of Communication Inquiry, Screen and Frauen und Film. She received her MFA and PhD degrees in film from Northwestern University.
VIVIAN SOBCHACK is an Associate Dean and Professor of Film and Television Studies in the School of Theater, Film and Television at the University of California, Los Angeles. She is the author and/or editor of five books and has published widely on American popular film; in relation to the topic of the brief, she is the author of "The Violent Dance: A Personal Memoir of Death in the Movies," in Screening Violence (S. Prince, ed.).
SUE TURNBULL is a Senior Lecturer in Media Studies at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia. She teaches courses in television, gender representation and audience research and is currently completing a book on crime fiction readerships. She is the author of "Once More With Feeling: Talking About the Media Violence Debate in Australia," in Ill Effects: The Media Violence Debate (2d ed.), and "On Looking in the Wrong Places: Port Arthur and the Media Violence Debate," in Australian Quarterly. She is a past president of the Australian and New Zealand Communication Association and a former Chair of the Australian Teachers of Media Association (ATOM).
THOMAS WAUGH has since 1976 taught Film Studies at Concordia University, Montreal, where he is currently Professor, Program Head in Film Studies, and Director, Program in Interdisciplinary Studies in Sexuality. Author of many articles on pornography and media ethics, his books include The Fruit Machine: Twenty Years of Writings on Queer Cinema, Hard to Imagine: Gay Male Eroticism in Photography and Film from their Beginnings to Stonewall, and "Show Us Life": Towards a History and Aesthetics of the Committed Documentary.
LINDA WILLIAMS is Director of Film Studies and Professor of Film Studies and Rhetoric at the University of California - Berkeley. Her books include Hard Core: Power, Pleasure and the Frenzy of the Visible, Viewing Positions: Ways of Seeing Film, and Figures of Desire: A Theory and Analysis of Surrealist Film. She specializes in film history and genre, melodrama and pornography, Feminist theory, and visual culture. She is currently completing a new book on melodrama.
ELLEN WOLOCK, Ed.D., is Managing Editor of the Children's Software
Revue and New Media Revue. Her recent review of the social
science research on the effects of video game violence, "Is There
a Reasonable Approach to Handling Violence in Video Games?" was published
in the July/August 2002 issue of Children's Software Revue.